Pelayaran kapal Raja Sulaiman Parsi ke Siam

SAFINE-YE SOLAYMANI /
Pelayaran kapal Raja Sulaiman Parsi ke Siam.
Catatan Moháammad Rabi b. Moháammad Ebrahim

Oleh Dr. M. Ismail Marcinkowski
reuploadad by anaianai.

SAFINE-YE SOLAYMANI, ("Ship of Solayman," henceforth SS), a Persian travel account of an embassy sent by the Safavid ruler Shah Solayman (r. 1666-94) to Siam in the year 1685. The SS was written by the embassy's secretary Moháammad Rabi b. Moháammad Ebrahim (commonly referred to as Ebn Moháammad Ebrahim) and translated for the first time into English by John O'Kane, based on a British Museum manuscript. O'Kane's translation from the 1970s has been reprinted once (see Bibliography), with an introduction by the present author. According to Jean Aubin (Jean Aubin, "Les Persans au Siam sous le regne de Narai (1656-1688)" Mare Luso-Indicum 4 (1980), p. 97, n. 12), a second manuscript copy of the SS is said to be extant in Iran. In 1977, Abbas Faruqi published his edition of the Persian text, which was reprinted in 1999.
The SS consists of four main parts, referred to as 'gifts', toháfe in the Persian text, but translated as 'jewels' by O'Kane.

The entire account contains Qur'anic quotations and lines of Persian poetry, some apparently by Ebn Moháammad Ebrahim. It starts with the usual doxology of God, the Prophet and Ali b. Abi Táaleb. After this, the author states his own name and profession, "Ebn Mohammad Ebrahim, Mohammad Rabi" [i.e. Moháammad Rabi Ebn Moháammad Ebrahim], "scribe to the contingent of the royal musketeers", which refers apparently to the tofang±i [or musketeer-corps]. This is followed by ornate praise of Shah Solayman. The name of Siam's king Narai (r. 1656-88) does not appear throughout the account, although he is referred to indirectly as a tolerant monarch.

( Pada ketika ini berlaku pertukaran kuasa pemerintah antara Sultan Mahmud Syah @ Suthammaraja dan adindanya Tun Saaban @ Narai).

Moreover, the introduction refers to the purpose of the Iranian embassy: a response to a Siamese embassy to Iran in 1682 (zaman pemerintahn Per Abu @ Pra Petraraja. Per Abu dikenali di Melaka sebagai Hang Kasturi) which was led by an Iranian, as we shall see later. Our author mentions furthermore his appointment as official scribe for the delegation.

The First Gift (and in fact the whole account) is written in a highly embellished style and reports on the first part of the travel aboard an English vessel, which started on 25 Rajab 1096 (27 June 1685), from the Persian Gulf port Bandar-e Abbas via Muscat in Oman, for Madras in India. With regard to Muscat, he mentions that it was previously under the Portuguese. After a turbulent journey the ship arrives at Chinapatam, i.e. Madras, in Southeast India, then under the control of the British. There follows a detailed description of the fort and the respectful reception given to the delegation by the British. He reports, that the nearby city of Maylapur, too, had been previously under the "Franks" (i.e. the Portuguese), but that it was reconquered by the Qotbæahis, to whom he refers interestingly merely as valis, 'governors'. He also mentions that news of the death of England's King Charles II (which had occurred on 6 February 1685) reached Madras during his time of stay there.

The Second Gift elaborates on the travel from India to the then Siamese port of Tanasuri, i.e. Tenasserim in present-day Burma, by crossing the Gulf of Bengal, and from Tenasserim (Nakhun Sithammarat) via land first to Ayutthaya and then to Lopburi, at that time the residence of the Siamese king Narai. The ship left Madras on 17 ˆawwal 1096 / 16 September 1685. This time they almost suffered shipwreck near the coast of the Burmese kingdom of Paigu, i.e. Pegu, to which Ebn Moháammad Ebrahim refers strangely as a part of Kheta', 'Cathay', i.e. China, however, with a "separate king".

(Penjelasan saya ialah “as a part of kheta” bermaksud sebahagian dari Kedah ialah Nagara Kedah bukannya Cathay atau pun China.. Kerajaan Toung Oo di Burma [@ Myanmar hari ini] sememangnya beragama Islam dan merupakan sebahagian dari Kedah. Antara pemerintah yang beragama Islam disitu ialah Kaifa Tabim Sheikh Ali (Kaifa Tabimbshewati) dan Khalifah Sharif Abu Bakar Syah (Mahadam Mahayaza), Tunku Nur Aisyah (Bayinnaung, Raja Perempuan Ayuthia). Raja-raja Islam Siam kita, bukan saja memerintah Melaka Riau Lingga malah Acheh, Langkasuka, Kemboja Cempaka Sari, Burma, Filipina, Borneo hingga ke Australia dan Timor Leste yang mempunyai maknanya dalam bahasa Siam, dll, sebab itulah dipanggil Benua Islam Siam Ayuthia, Nagara Kedah. Khalifah Sharif ini pernah menjadi Raja Toung Oo sebelum menjadi Maharaja Ayuthia. Mahadammayaza bermaksud pembesar dari berlainan darah memandangkan ayahanda baginda Sultan Muhiyuddin Mansur Syah berkahwin dengan Puteri Hang Li Po. Di Ayuthia baginda dikenali sebagai Suriyamarin bermaksud kamu raja balik kerumah, setelah balik dari Toung Oo).

Finally, the embassy arrives at the Siamese port of Mergui, where the Iranian Haji Salim, a representative of the Siamese king and former ambassador to the court to Iran, welcomes them. Haji Salim introduces them also to some aspects of Siamese customs and protocol. The reception on the part of Siamese officials present at that port is described as particularly respectful. Interestingly, our author mentions another Iranian by name of Moháammad Sadeq as governor of Siamese Mergui and the entire adjoining province, who functions as their host during their stay in that city. After some days of rest, the embassy continues its way by boat to Tenasserim. Ebn Moháammad Ebrahim refers sometimes to the entire country of Siam as ˆahr-e Nav, (Shahrul Nuri) but at other occasions he applies that expression only to its capital, Ayutthaya.

(Didalam buku Sulalat Al Salatin,

“Alkisah maka tersebutlah perkataan raja benua siam daripada zaman dahulukalanya bahawa negeri Siam itu Shahr Nuwi…….”
- Muhammad Haji Salleh, Sullat Al Salatin, Tun Sri Lanang, hal 73.)

With regard to Tenasserim, he states that it was inhabited by Siamese, Indian Sunnites, Hindus and 'Franks'. Interestingly, the Persian word for "Frank", which refers to a "Westerner", entered as a loan word in the Thai language, where it is still used today. From Tenasserim the embassy continues its way to Ayutthaya. En route it is received by one Sayyed Mazandarani, another Iranian governor in Siamese service. They proceed to a city to which our author refers to as 'Suhan', by the "river to ˆahr-e Nav", situated in one day distance by boat-travel from the capital. The present writer is not certain about its exact location, but the river seems to be the Chao Phraya. The governor, raje, in charge of that town was another Muslim, referred to by our author as 'Ùelebi'. According to Ebn Moháammad Ebrahim, he was "from Rum", i.e. an Anatolian Turk, who had recently "converted" to Shi'ism. Anthony Reid identifies the area administered by 'Ùelebi' with that of today's Bangkok (Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680. Volume Two: Expansion and Crisis, p. 191).

At that place, the delegation is also greeted by members of the local Iranian community. Soon later, they proceed upstream, thus on the Chao Phraya River, to the royal capital Ayutthaya. There, they are informed of the fact that the king had left for Lubu, i.e. Lopburi. The author describes it as a strong fortress and mentions a certain Kúaje Háasan-Ali Korasani, supposedly a descendant of Kúaje Abd-al-LatÂif, a former Safavid vizier of Khorasan, as the head of the Iranian community residing in Siam and the successor in that position to AÚqa Moháammad, who had died earlier. Interestingly, the lodgings for the Iranian guests in Lopburi are described by the author as "Iranian" in style, furnished with baths (hammams), carpets, etc. Very important is also his account on the background of the Iranian community's loss of influence and favor with the king, which the author attributes to the "machinations" of a new favorite of the king, the Greek Constantine Phaulkon, to whom he does not refer by this name, but rather by the contemptuous expression "the evil Frank".

Ebn Moháammad Ebrahim even claims that it was this person who persuaded the king not to meet the Iranian embassy en route and then also postpone the audience. Finally, a first audience does take place, whose formalities are described by the author, focusing in particular on the manner in which the letter of the Safavid Shah was presented to the Siamese monarch. About the actual contents of the letter, however, the reader is left in the dark. There follows a description of several hunting expeditions and dinner invitations at which the Iranian delegation had been participating. Subsequently, the king moves to his capital Ayutthaya and the Iranian delegation has to follow him.

Again, they are lodged in 'Iranian' houses, with Siamese and Iranian attendants. Soon later, the members of the Iranian embassy decide to embark on their return journey, this time directly by sea. The author inserts here the important information of the Iranian community in Siam's custom of performing takzia or mourning ceremonies and performances in memory of the martyrdom of the Prophet's grandson Hosayn b. Ali at Karbala, which were financially supported by the Siamese monarch, who also provided special buildings and other facilities for the purpose. The French traveler Guy Tachard, who was about the same time at the Siamese capital, has left us an impressive account of such a performance of particularly Shi'itereligiosity.

The Third Gift amounts to what can be called a 'report on the internal affairs of the Kingdom of Siam'. The author begins by referring to the terms Ùin and Ma@±in as they appear in Muslim geographical literature of earlier times, but, more interestingly, he gives an explanation for the expression ˆahr-e Nav for the country of Siam and, more specifically, for its then capital Ayutthaya. He refers in some length to the conflict of Siam with neighboring Pegu. Of particular interest is his statement that Iranians had been highly respected in the kingdom and that they are even said to have brought King Narai to the throne. Iranians, he claims, used also to exercise a strong influence over the private habits of the king, such as his choice of dishes and drinks as well as his clothes. Moreover, King Narai, he says, used to surround himself with bodyguards from India, most probably Iranians, or at least Shi'ite Indian Muslims from the southern part of the subcontinent. He refers at some length to the conflict between Phaulkon with his 'pro-French leanings' and the Iranian community.

The third part contains also 'comments' on Siamese religious practices, legal system, as well as holidays and festivals, marriage and funeral rites, official titles, criminal investigations and varieties of punishments, but all this from a somewhat haughty perspective of assumed cultural superiority. After reporting on the suppression of a revolt started by the resident community of Macassar Sunnite Muslims, he closes with a lengthy reference to the daily routine, income, and expenses of the Siamese monarch, and adds to this some remarks on the economy and the major trade goods, as well as the lifestyle and food of the common people. The importance of the 'Third Gift' lies in the fact that it highlights the role played by various members of the local Iranian community as supporters of the Siamese ruler, who is portrayed as an extreme Iranophile. This portion is also very valuable with regard to the earliest history of the still influential Bunnag family which traces its roots back to Iranian ancestry, and which exerted some impact at the Siamese court during the following centuries.

The Fourth Gift concerns itself in a rather general fashion with an account of some of Siam's neighbors, such as the Philippines, the Dutch possessions in what is now Indonesia, and even China and Japan, mostly based on hearsay, since he did not visit these countries himself. He starts with a 'geographical section', which contains 'observations' on Siam's flora and fauna, and what he perceived to be the 'effects' of the tides, which is generally rather bizarre and fantastic than informative. He refers also to Ceylon, Acheh, the Nicobars and Andamans. This is followed by remarks on countries, which he certainly did not visit, such as the Philippines. He identifies the "Castilians" (Spaniards) as its rulers and gives a detailed (and rather admiring) account of the installment of its governors and the presence of Chinese settlers.

To this he adds what he had heard about Japan, beside the fantastic stories, in particular of the activities of the Dutch and Portuguese in that country, and that only the Dutch were able to retain some favor there. In a similar style he refers to Siam's then neighbors Pegu and China. With regard to his return travel, he states that he passed Pattani, the rebellious Siamese vassal and one of the petty Malay principalities. Interesting is his accurate account of the Malay custom of sending a "golden flower" (Malay: bunga mas) to the kings of Siam as a sign of loyalty. He refers also to the then Dutch port of Malaqe, i.e. Malacca, but states that he did not land there.

Passing on to India, he makes reference to Ku±i, i.e. Cochin, then also under the Dutch suzerainty, and the Malabar coast. He states that the Dutch had recently taken over the port from the Portuguese. The returning Iranian delegation had to stay six full months at Cochin, since they missed the season for sailing directly to the Persian Gulf. Instead, they embarked on a ship bound to Surat. While trying to enter the port of Surat, they found it under a blockade of a British fleet, due to a conflict with the Mughals. The British forced the ship to sail to Mumbai (Bombay), which was under their control, and the party stayed three and a half months there, even if they were apparently treated with consideration by the British. The author here mentions that the city was given by Portugal as dowry to the English king Charles II. Finally, the embassy leaves Mumbai on 5 Jumada II 1099 / 8 April 1688 on a ship bound for the Persian Gulf. They arrive back at Bandar-e Abbas on 24 Rajab 1099 / 14 May 1688.

The Fourth Gift is followed by a detailed 'Appendix' on the Mughal conquest of Hyderabad on the Deccan - the capital of the Golconda kingdom, ruled by the Shi'ite Qotbæahs - which happened actually on 21 September 1687. News of this significant event had apparently also reached the returning Iranian mission which was passing close by. The earlier fall of the kingdom of Bijapur on 12 September 1686 is also noticed by the author. Remarkably, he refers to the rulers of both kingdoms merely as 'governors'. The SS closes with the mentioning of the escape of the Mughal prince Akbar (not to be confused with his namesake, the famous Mughal emperor) to the court of Persia, which took place in 1682. Substantial are also Ebn Moháammad Ebrahim's observations on the activities of Western powers in the Indian Ocean region, in particular the Dutch, the British and the waning fortunes of the Portuguese.

From the perspective of Persian as well as Southeast Asian and Thai studies, the account is particularly rich in information on Siam's late seventeenth century Persian community, providing a kind of "Who's Who" for it. However, it has no answer to the burning question of who were actually the first Iranian visitors to the country and what were the circumstances of their settlement there. Moreover, it does not contribute to our knowledge of "Shaikh Ahmad of Qumm" (whose name does not even appear in the book). the ancestor of the powerful Bunnag family and Siam's first Shaikh al-Islam, but it does refer to his early successors.

(Sheikh Ahmad Qumi bukannya berasal dari Iran. Dia adalah Rama Tibodi I atau Uthong yang mana pada Batu bersurat Trengganu tercatit nama baginda sebagai Raja Mandalika.Bagindalah yang membuka Ayuthia. Ayahanda baginda Sultan Muhammad Syah II @ NaraSuan Ayuthia berkahwin dengan Puteri Raja Parsi menyebabkab wajah baginda seperti orang Parsi.

Kita boleh sebutkan nama baginda begini, Sultan Madzaffar Syah III ibni Sultan Muhammad syah II". Baginda menuntut ilmu agama di Parsi,berkahwin dengan Puteri Maharaja china Dinasti Yuan dan pernah menetap di Terengganu sebagai Raja Mandalika
Maklumat ini kalau nak cari memang tak jumpa tapi kalau wasiat sebagai maklumat primary memang jelaslah, dan kefahaman bahasa siam, bukan bahasa thai).

The SS is furthermore contemptuous of Siamese customs and beliefs, evincing its author's complete lack of understanding of and sympathy for the country and its hospitable people. He refers constantly to a supposed cultural superiority of Persia and its religion. There are, however, no traces of "ethnic bias" in the text. Finally, Thai expressions, if he bothers to refer to them at all, appear mostly in a corrupted and at times unintelligible form in his account.
Nonetheless, the SS is an outstanding document for the historical and cultural presence of Persia in the eastern Indian Ocean region. It constitutes the only extant Persian source for the extensive Safavid contacts with the region and is also of relevance for the history of the Indian subcontinent, southern India in particular, during the 17th century.

Bibliography. (a) Safine-ye Solaymani (Persian text and translations): Ibn Muhammad Ibrahim, The Ship of Sulayman, transl. John O'Kane, New York, 1972 (Reprint with an introduction by M. Ismail Marcinkowski, Bangkok, 2003). Mohammad Rabi' b. Mohammad Ebrahim, Safine-ye Solaymani: Safarname-ye safir-e Iran be Siyam, 1094-1098, neveshte-ye Mohammad Rabi' b. Mohammad Ebrahim, ed., ¿Abbas Faruqi, Tehran, 1977. Idem, Safine-ye Solaymani, British Museum manuscript BM Or. 6942.

(b) Other works: Aasen, Clarance, Architecture of Siam: A Cultural History Interpretation, Kuala Lumpur, 1998. Aubin, Jean, "The Ship of Sulaiman, translated from the Persian by John O'Kane (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1972)" [review article], Studia Iranica 2, no. 2, 1973, p. 286. Idem, "Les Persans au Siam sous le regne de Narai (1656-1688)," Mare Luso-Indicum 4, 1980, pp. 95-126. Breazeale and Kennon, eds., From Japan to Arabia: Ayutthaya's Maritime Relations with Asia, Bangkok, 1999. Charnvit Kasetsiri, The Rise of Ayutthaya: A History of Siam in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Kuala Lumpur, 1976. Cultural Center of the Islamic Republic of Iran [Bangkok] ed., Sheikh Ahmad Qomi and the History of Siam, Bangkok, 1995. Hiromu Nagashima, "Persian Muslim Merchants in Thailand and their Activities in the 17th Century: Especially on their Visits to Japan," Nagasaki Prefectural University Review 30, no. 3, January 30, 1997, pp. 387-99. Kaempfer, Engelbert, A Description of the Kingdom of Siam 1690, Bangkok, 1998. Khalidi, Omar, "The Shi'is of the Deccan: A Historical Outline," Al-Tawhid 9, no. 2, Nov. 1991-Jan. 1992, pp. 163-75. Kukrit Pramoj, Khwampenma khong Itsalam nai prathet Thai [The Origin of Islam in Thailand], Bangkok, B.E. 2514, [in Thai]. Marcinkowski, M. Ismail, "Persian Religious and Cultural Influences in Siam/Thailand and Maritime Southeast Asia in Historical Perspective: A Plea for a Concerted Interdisciplinary Approach," Journal of the Siam Society 88, pt. 1-2, 2000, pp. 186-94. Idem, "Perspectives and Problems for Research on Iranian-Siamese (Thai) Relations during the Safavid Period," (forthcoming in Iranian Studies 35, nos. 1-2, Winter-Spring 2002). Idem, From Isfahan to Ayutthaya: Contacts Between Iran and Siam in the 17th Century, Singapore, 2003. Idem, "Iranians, Shaykh al-Islams and Chularajmontris: Genesis and Development of an Institution and its Introduction to Siam," Journal of Asian History, 2003, (in press). Idem, "The Safavid Presence in the Indian Ocean: A Reappraisal of the Ship of Solayman, a 17th-Century Travel Account to Siam," (forthcoming 2003, London, I.B. Tauris) [paper presented at the International Conference on Iran and the World in the Safavid Age, 6-8 September 2002, London, SOAS]. Idem, "Research on the Safavid-Siamese Relations: A Reappraisal of the Current State of Affairs" (forthcoming 2003). Idem, From Isfahan to Ayutthaya: Buddhism and the Thai People in Ebn Mohammad Ebrahim's 17th-Century Travel Account Safine-ye Solaymani (forthcoming 2003). Meredith-Owens, G. M., Handlist of Persian Manuscripts, 1895-1966, London, 1968. Reid, Anthony, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450-1680, Volume Two: Expansion and Crisis, New Haven and London, 1993. Sherwani, H. K., History of the Qutb Shahi Dynasty (New Delhi, 1974). Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, "Iranians Abroad: Intra-Asian Elite Migration and Early Modern State Formation," The Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 2, 1992, pp. 340-63. Tachard, Guy, A Relation of the Voyage to Siam, Performed by six Jesuits, sent by the French King, to the Indies and China, in the Year, 1685, Bangkok, 1999. Wyatt, David K., Studies in Thai History: Collected Articles , Chiang Mai, 1999. Idem, Thailand: A Short History, Chiang Mai, 1999, reprint.
(M. Ismail Marcinkowski)