‘Kidnapping’ Islam?

Some Reflections on Southern Thailand's
Muslim Community Between Ethnocentrism
and Constructive Conflict-Solution

by Dr M. Ismail Marcinkowski *


"A foundation of hatred or hostility can never support an edifice of national life and would be subject to sudden earthquakes when the forces of disorder are let loose. But moral courage, a happy combination of independence and discipline, a directness of aims, and above all, truth, integrity, and loyalty, are the factors which help forward orderly and sustained progress."
Abdullah Yusuf Ali (1872-1953)[1]

Introductory Remarks

The above quoted lines by Abdullah Yusuf Ali, the well-known interpreter and translator of the Qur’an into English,[2] were already written by him in 1907, in the context of the role played by Muslims within the then emerging movement for India’s independence from Britain. Nevertheless, in the view of the present contributor, they are still valid in terms of defining the outline for a cultured dialogue of civilizations in general. Similarly, the present paper, which deliberately has been kept in the form of an essay, constitutes a plea for more mutual tolerance and peaceful conflict-solution between Muslims and non-Muslims (and within the Muslim community for that matter), with emphasis on the context of contemporary Thailand. Elsewhere, the author has recently dealt with some rather historical aspects of the presence of Islam in Thailand in various international conferences and publications.[3]

Although certain parts of the present paper place a certain emphasis on spiritual and conceptional affinities and differences between the Islamic and the Buddhist traditions, it will be argued in the course of this paper that not religious issues are at stake, but rather ethnic fervour and prejudice (at times stirred up from outside the country), as well as certain economic and social problems which are awaiting to be addressed seriously.

Preservation of Cultural Identity versus Racialism

Contrary to what is generally hold, the Muslim population living within the contemporary borders of the Kingdom of Thailand does not constitute a monolithic block, neither with regard to its ethnic diversity, nor to its geographic distribution. Although it is general knowledge that today the majority of Thailand's Muslim community happens to ascribe to the ‘mainstream’ Sunnite denomination, based on the Shafi‘ite legal rite, it should be noted that this was not always the case in history. As pointed out by the present author, as well as by other scholars elsewhere, Muslims, especially Persian-speaking Shi‘ite Muslims from Iran and India, had played a conspicuous role in the Ayutthaya kingdom, in particular during the 17th century.[4] ‘Iranian’ Shi‘ite Muslims had been invested with the highest administrative offices in Siam's court and administration. As a matter of fact, the introduction into the Thai context of the traditional Muslim office of Shaykh al-Islam, i.e. head of the Muslim community, under the Thai name of Chularajmontri goes back to this period.[5]

Although the office of Shaykh al-Islam is not of Shi‘ite (and not even of Iranian) origin, it gained pre-eminence under Iran's Shi‘ite Safavid dynasty, which ruled that country from 1501 to 1722. In the context of its introduction to the Ayutthaya kingdom and being a Shi‘ite adaption, the character of the office of Shaykh al-Islam differs significantly from the situation in the Sunnite Malay principalities, whether in history or in present-day Malaysia, where we come across Muftis, who are merely jurists, advising the 'head of the Muslims' there, i.e. the Sultans.

Contrary to this, the Shaykh al-Islam serves in contemporary Thailand also as the head of the Muslim community, which is due to the circumstance of that country being a Buddhist kingdom. It is important to be constantly aware of this historical dimension of the Muslim presence in Thailand, in order to avoid the serious mistake to equate the history of Islam there, and throughout the rest of Southeast Asia for that matter, with the history of the Malays and of 'Malay-ness', thus with racialism.

As stated by the present author elsewhere, the increase of Muslim immigration into the Ayutthaya kingdom and the consequent rise of distinguished Muslim personalities to the highest administrative posts, and in fact the creation of the office of Chularajmontri itself, should be regarded as a result of the traditional tolerance of the Thai people and its rulers, prescribed by the original virtues of Buddhism, and furthermore on political and economic considerations from the part of the Thai monarchs.

This remarkable religious tolerance, which should not be confused with weakness and confusion, had also been noticed by several 17th-century foreign visitors to the kingdom, among them an official embassy from Safavid Iran. Ibn Ibrahim Muhammad, the secretary of that delegation and compiler of the only extant Persian account of that visit, added to his account a preface which contains even prayer for the spiritual well-being of the Thai monarch(bacaan doa selamat untuk raja siam),[6] an indeed remarkable feature for a follower of a positive religious system, such as Islam.

The sack of Ayutthaya in 1767 meant the end of the previous Shi‘ite domination among the Muslims residing by that time in Siam, although Shi‘ite Chularajmontris, all of them descendants of the first holder of that office in the 17th century, continued to be appointed up to 1945 by the subsequent rulers of the Bangkok period.[7] Today, more than 50 mosques are still extant in Ayutthaya and its environs.[8]

Although the Muslim population in that region seems to be nowadays entirely Sunnite, the existence of such a large comparatively number of mosques in that area bears witness to the importance of Ayutthaya for the Muslims in the past. The most detailed and comprehensive studies in English on the administrative structure of Thailand’s Muslim community have been carried out by Farouk and Yusuf, and the present author is indebted to them to a great deal.[9]

Today, the Muslims constitute, after the Buddhists, the largest religious community in Thailand,[10] whereas the population in the kingdom's extreme south is overwhelmingly Muslim and ethnically Malay.[11] In fact, the ‘Malay-ness’ of the South is usually – erroneously, for that matter - seen as a distinctive characteristic of Thailand's Muslim community in general.

Nevertheless, there do exist Muslim communities in the kingdom which are ethnically non-Malay.[12] In the view of the present contributor, certain anxieties from the part of the Thai authorities concerning tendencies among the Malays in the south in favour of an ‘Anschluß’ to Malaysia in a ‘Melayu Raya, i.e. Greater Malaya (or a ‘Malay Lebensraum’, one might be tempted to say), seem to be similar to those which can be observed in the Singapore context.[13] Certain episodes during the post-WWII period have shown that these anxieties are not entirely unjustified.[14]

The present essay cannot deal with the questions of what is a ‘Malay’ by definition, or whether there exists something such as a ‘Malay ethnicity’, whether this ethnicity should play a role in the building of confidence and trust within a multi-ethnic nation or within the wider Southeast Asian setting at the beginning of the 21th century. It should be noted in this regard that the Journal of Southeast Asian Studies (JSEAS) has recently published a volume which contains relevant contributions on the question of ‘Malay ethnicity’.[15]

With regard to the fact that the Muslims in southern Thailand are overwhelmingly speakers of Malay, the present author is of the view that the permanent emphasis on ethnicity - a characteristic of Malay communities in other Southeast Asian nations as well, which takes at times the shape of certain paranoid features - is entirely irrelevant, and indeed harmful, in the context of practical conflict-solution. Needless to say that the principle of preservation of presently existing international borders, as well as the non-involvement in one’s neighbour’s internal affairs, should be considered essential for peace and harmony in the region.

In the understanding of the present writer then, arguments against the presence of Thailand in the south are basically ethnically oriented, rather than religiously. Militant Malay political organizations have been merely hiding behind what they perceive as Islamic teachings, while in fact being purely ethnically oriented. Islam to them appears to be a ‘Malay matter’. This ‘indigenization’ of the universal message of Islam, however, which is supra-national in its very core and essence, by dragging it down to an expression of rural ‘Malay identity’ à la kampong, along with a lack of spirituality, along with an all-prevailing escapism towards legalism from the realities of life, can only be considered as ignorance of the original tenets and stipulations of the Islamic legal system, not to speak of the meaning of religion in general.

Islam indeed encourages friendly relations with one’s neighbour, encourages trade and commerce, technological progress and research, encourages inter-ethnic relations, and above all, condemns ‘inbreeding’ and social inactivity. Moreover, in the view of the present author, who himself is a scholar in Islamic studies, there is no objection to a life as a religious minority in a non-Muslim country, as long as Muslims are not hindered to carry out their religious duties, their dignity as a human being is preserved, and their sources of income are left untouched. It goes without saying that these points should be acceptable to anyone interested in a cultured dialogue and peaceful togetherness. In the 1980s, Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Malaysia's present Prime Minister, made in his book The Challenge the following remarkable statement, which, in spite of the fact that it addresses certain weaknesses within Malaysia’s Malay community in the course of her history, is nevertheless also relevant to the present context:

"The Malays have emerged from a long period of backwardness only to be pulled in different directions by conflicting forces, some of which seek to undo whatever progress has been made and plunge the entire community back into the Dark Ages".

One of the saddest ironies of recent times is that Islam, the faith that once made its followers progressive and powerful, is being invoked to promote retrogression which will bring in its wake weakness and eventual collapse. A force for enlightenment, it is being turned into a rationale for narrow-mindedness; an inspiration towards unity, it is being twisted into an instrument of division and destruction.

Ignorance of what constitutes spirituality, and failure to see the distinction between materialism and a healthy involvement in worldly concerns, render some sections of the Malay (Muslim) community susceptible to the notion that Islam exhorts believers to turn their backs on the world.

[...] Misinterpretation of Islam is only one of the many forms of confusion threatening the Malays today. The challenge is tremendous - the stake survival itself."[16]

Moreover, from the perspective of Islamic law it has to be emphasized that living as a Muslim minority in a non-Muslim country is possible and does per se not run against the teachings of any of the four Sunnite ‘schools’ of Islamic jurisprudence (and also not against those of the ja‘fari school, the legal rite of the Twelver Shi‘ites, for that matter). The Qur’an encourages Muslims to live peacefully together with their non-Muslim neighbours, provided the above referred to conditions are met. Therefore, there should be no room for any kind of religious fanaticism and prejudice. From among the many qur’anic passages in this regard, the following brief quotation shall suffice:

“Those who believe (in the Qur’an), those who follow the Jewish (scriptures), and the Sabians and the Christians – any who believe in Allah [i.e. God] and the Last Day, and work righteousness – on them shall be no fear, nor shall they grieve.” [17]
Constructive Approaches versus Populism

Thailand has succeeded more than the other countries of the Southeast Asian region in the creation of a 'national identity' and in the integration of her ethnic minorities, such as ethnic Chinese. However, Thongchai Winichakul has thrown light on the problems concerning the rather uncritical adaption of for the most part Western concepts of 'statehood' and 'nation'.

He stated:
"In Thailand today there is a widespread assumption that there is such a thing as a common Thai nature or identity: khwampenthai (Thainess). It is believed to have existed for a long time, and all Thai are supposed to be well aware of its virtue. The essence of Thainess has been well preserved up to the present time despite the fact that Siam has been transformed greatly toward modernization in the past hundred years. Like other nationalistic discourse, it presumes that the great leaders (in this case monarchs) selectively adopted only good things from the west for the country while preserving the traditional values at their best. Although a sceptic might doubt the validity of such a view, the notion prevails even among scholars."[18]

He continues by referring to the various adjectives applied to define 'un-Thainess', which has a bearing on the various ethnic minorities:

"Quite often, reference to otherness is made by identifying it as belonging to another nation. But the referent nation or ethnicity is usually ill defined. In Thai, for example, farang is a well-known adjective and noun referring to Western people without any specification of nationality, culture, ethnicity, language, or whatever. Khaek is another term which covers the peoples and countries of the Malay peninsula, the East Indies, South Asia, and the Middle East without any distinction. Khaek also denotes Muslim, but by no means exclusively so. That is to say, a reference is sometimes made regardless of whether or not a certain characteristic really belongs to any particular nation or ethnic group, because the aim of the discourse is to identify the un-Thainess rather than to define the characteristic of any particular people. Once the un-Thainess can be identified, its opposite, Thainess, is apparent."[19]

What about the Malays of Thailand's south in this context? The still noticable economic backwardness of Thailand's 'Muslim South' appears to be somewhat similar to the situation in which the Shi‘ites in Southern Lebanon find themselves vis-à-vis the non-Shi‘ite 'central government' in Beirut.[20] Whether justifiably so or not, Muslims in Thailand's southern provinces put the government in Bangkok to task to upgrade the infrastructure of the area and let them participate in this process.

Economic problems in the south involve issues such as the fair distribution of the wealth accruing from the exploitation of the oil and gas resources, as well as the participation stronger of the South in the planning of development projects. Although the Muslims in the South do consider themselves as 'Malay', that must not mean that political or racially motivated activities by certain groups from outside the kingdom should always and by necessity be considered as crowned by success. Issues with 'neighbouring states' could be addressed bilaterally or within the framework of ASEAN. It is crucial for the responsible authorities to respect and take into account the dignity and religious feelings of the Muslim majority in the south, i.e. in what they understand as their own soil.

What is all too often forgotten when discussing the attitude of the religion of Islam in general with regard to conflict-solution is that there do in fact exist a variety of approaches directed towards peaceful conflict solution. In this context, it should be noted that the word 'jihad', originally one of the cornerstones of Islamic spirituality rather than warfare and literally meaning 'struggle' or 'spiritual struggle with oneself' (i.e. with one’s Self), is often misinterpreted in the media, and even by scholars, as 'Holy War', a concept of medieval Christianity.

Without doubt, 'jihad' can at times also possess a rather 'militant' aspect. But there can also be no doubt, that any kind of approach towards conflict-solution should as long as possible remain peaceful. Most people will be surprised to hear that Islamic approaches in this regard vary, as had been demonstrated by Professor Karim Douglas Crow. According to this scholar,

"Islam provides a set of powerful teachings and practises with universal relevance for humanity. These have the potential to make a great contribution for peaceful change and just societies. Islam clearly possesses a comprehensive methodology and set of values for 'Peaceful-Action' / al-Jihad al-Silmi. The challenge for Muslims now is to present Islamic Values in authentic terms for the 21st century. Thinking Muslims must search for ways to realize and make these values real and effective in our world today."[21]

As in the case of other regions with clashes of interests, in Thailand, too, economic conflict-solutions and the support for justified claims involving the rights of ethnic and religious minorities are helpful in order to avoid further radicalizarion. What is needed is a true 'Jihad', i.e. an universal effort against poverty and ignorance. The use of the word 'Jihad' in this context is not new, as the successful experience of Iran's ‘Construction Jihad’ organization (Jihad-e Sazandegi) has shown and as could be observed by the present author during his stay in that country between 1984 and 1986 (without necessarily ascribing to the wider political setting there). Moreover, such a progressive understanding of 'Jihad' from the part of Muslims involves also a proper reflection on how to support the fight against the HIV and AIDS drama, as well as how to avoid a demonization of its victims, the latter showing a frightening lack of compassion in sharp contrast to the true teachings of Islam and by any of the other major religious systems, for that matter.[22]

In the light of what has just been pointed out, Islam per se should thus not be considered an obstacle. The central question, however, even from the Islamic point of view, is how to define the correct place of religion in dealing with the issues at stake, without necessarily following alien secular systems. The real confrontation is thus not 'Islam versus Buddhism', but rather 'populism, ignorance and, at times, 'collective paranoia'[23] versus knowledge and practical help'. There is an urgent need of knowledgeable people on the pulpit in the mosques, as well as of spirituality and knowledge of the original tenets of religion.

There do exist, indeed, countless spiritual affinities between Islam and Buddhism via sufism or Islamic mysticism, affinities which are exemplified by the great tradition that is embodied in the Islamic mystical 'orders' or tariqat. Here it can only be mentioned in passing that one of those 'meeting points' between original Buddhism and the original Islamic spiritual tradition is the Bektashi community which we come across in today's Turkey and various countries on the Balkan peninsula and whose origins, however, go back to Central Asia, to a Turkic setting.[24] On the other hand, conceptional differences should also not be denied, since, in the words of the Venerable Nyanaponika Thera,

“…the idea of a personal deity, a creator god conceived to be eternal and omnipotent, is incompatible with the Buddha’s teachings[25]

With regard to the issue of the 'decline' of a spiritual tradition, any spiritual tradition, including Islam and Buddhism, the following words from what is known as the Debate of King Milinda, i.e. the Hellenistic ruler Menandros of Bactria, to the Buddhist sage Nagasena, are also quite relevant in the present context. In answering one of the questions addressed to him by Menandros, Nagasena is said to have stated:
“There are three modes of disappearance of a teaching. The decline of the attainment to a clear insight into it, and decline in the outward form of it. When the intellectual grasp ceases, then even the man who conducts himself rightly has no clear understanding of it. By the decline of practise, promulgation of the Vinaya rules ceases and only the outward form of the religion remains. When the outward form ceases then the succession of the tradition is cut off.”[26]

The present author has argued elsewhere that a rational understanding of the mechanisms that underlie history, including that of the Muslims - any history, for that matter - is essential for arriving at appropriate 'diagnoses' of problems and shortcomings and thus for the finding of solutions that are pertaining to the future of the Muslim community. The following might therefore be also relevant to the context of the Muslims of southern Thailand:

“The effort of trying to know each other better, without necessarily giving up prerogatives and belief, should prevail against the falling into stereotypizations, such as ethnic and religious prejudice, which can only be considered as a sign of fear and insecurity with regard to the tenets of one's own religion. This predicament applies, of course to any historical period and religious or social system.”[27]
Constructive criticism and reflective, analytical thinking, appears to be a good tradition from the classical Islamic period, since it“[…] intends to keep the message of Islam 'pure' by pointing the finger on the wounds in order to heal them rather than keeping silence and thus causing the 'death' of the entire 'organism' or the ummah, so to speak. […] This procedure is far from being an attempt to 'secularize' history, or from separating the 'principle of political leadership' from the purely religious tenets. But rather the opposite is the case: Instead of a 'never mind, they still had been Muslims'-attitude […], I personally would propose an attitude of clear disassociation and ethically motivated criticism, based on the Islamic sources, as well as on the general requirements for any scholarly investigation.”[28]

Finally, this analytical approach is in line with the ideas expressed by some of the greatest thinkers of Islam, among them Iqbal, who stated that
“[t]he possibility of a scientific treatment of history means a wider experience, a greater maturity of practical reason, and finally a fuller realization of certain basic ideas regarding the nature of life and time.”[29]

Final Remarks

The greatest dangers (also with a wider geographical perspective in mind) for a peaceful co-existence can thus be seen in what could be called the 'kidnapping' or 'indigenization' of Islam, a world religion after all, by the ignorant ones. There should be no place for preachers irredentistic ‘Heim-ins-Reich’ ideologies, which would be a disgrace, pushing religion down to the level of provinciality. Moreover, the practising of tolerance, which had been the underlying pattern for this contribution, should start within one’s own community. With regard to the Muslims, the present author has argued elsewhere that this could begin with a rappochement between Islam’s two major denominations, i.e. the majority Sunnites and the minority Shi‘ites.[30] The following passage from the Dhammapada contains a message which should be acceptable to anyone, regardless of which religious background,

“[f]or hate is not conquered by hate: hate is conquered by love. This is a law eternal. Many do not know that we are here in this world to live in harmony. Those who know this do not fight against each other.”[31]

And finally we read:
“Whereas if a man speaks but a few holy words and yet he lives the life of those words, free from passion and hate and illusion – with right vision and a mind free, craving for nothing both now and hereafter – the life of this man is a life of holiness.”[32]
___________




Enotes
* Dr Marcinkowski is Associate Professor of History at the International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC), Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. The paper was presented by him at the First Inter-Dialogue Conference on Southern Thailand (FIDCOST), Pattani, Thailand (13-15 June 2002), which was jointly organized by Harvard University’s Department of Anthropology and Prince of Songkla University, Pattani, Thailand, and sponsored by the Rockefeller Foundation and the Toyota Foundation. In view of the nature of the present paper, no academic transliteration of Arabic technical terms has been applied.
[1] M. A. Sherif, Searching for Solace. A Biography of Abdullah Yusuf Ali , Interpreter of the Qur’an (Kuala Lumpur: Islamic Bokk Trust, 1994), p. 243, quoting Abdullah Yusuf Ali, "The Indian Muhammadans: Their Past, Present and Future," in: Journal of the Royal Society of Arts, no. 2824, vol. LV (January 4, 1907) [n. p.].
[2] All quotations of translations from the Qur’an throughout this paper are to Abdullah Yusuf Ali (ed., trans.), The Meaning of the Holy Qur’an. New Edition with Revised Translation and Commentary (Brentwood MD: Amana Corporation, 1994).
[3] See, for instance, M. Ismail Marcinkowski, "Persian Religious and Cultural Influences in Siam/Thailand and Maritime Southeast Asia: A Plea for a Concerted Interdisciplinary Approach," in: Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 88, pt. 1-2 (2000), pp. 186-94, and idem, "Iranians, Shaykh al-Islams and Chularajmontris: Genesis and Development of an Institution and its Introduction to Siam," a paper presented at the 8th International Thai Studies Conference, Nakhon Phanom, Thailand (8-12 January 2002), which was organized by Ramkhamhaeng University (forthcoming in 2003 in Journal of Asian History ).
[4] See M. Ismail Marcinkowski, "Persian Religious and Cultural Influences in Siam/Thailand and Maritime Southeast Asia: A Plea for a Concerted Interdisciplinary Approach," in: Journal of the Siam Society, vol. 88, pt. 1-2 (2000), pp. 186-94.
[5] Idem, "Iranians, Shaykh al-Islams and Chularajmontris: Genesis and Development of an Institution and its Introduction to Siam" (forthcoming); Imtiyaz Yusuf, "Islam and Democracy in Thailand: Reforming the Office of Chularajmontri/Shaykh al-Islam,” in: Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. 9, no. 2 (1998), pp. 277-98; Omar Farouk, "Shaykh Ahmad: Muslims in the Kingdom of Ayutthaya," in: JEBAT Journal of the History Department of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, vol. 10 (1980-81), pp. 206-14, idem, "The Muslims of Thailand: A Survey," in: Andrew Forbes (ed.), The Muslims of Thailand, vol.1: "Historical and Cultural Studies" (Gaya, Bihar/India: Centre for South East Asian Studies, 1988), pp. 22-23; W. K. Che Man, The Administration of Islamic Institutions in Non-Muslim States: The Case of Singapore and Thailand (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1991).
[6] [Muhammad Rabi‘] Ibn Muhammad Ibrahim. The Ship of Sulayman, transl. J. O’Kane (New York NY: Columbia University Press, 1972), p. 19. For the edition of the Persian text see idem, Safinah-i Sulaymani (Safarnamah-i safir-i Iran bih Siyam, 1094-98), ed. ‘Abbas Faruqi (Tehran: Danishgah-i Tihran, 2536 shahanshahi/1977 C.E., Intisharat-i Danishgah-i Tihran, no. 1621) text].
[7] Marcinkowski, "Iranians, Shaykh al-Islams and Chularajmontris: Genesis and Development of an Institution and its Introduction to Siam" (forthcoming).
[8] Ibid., and Farouk, "The Muslims of Thailand: A Survey," p. 3.
[9] Confer the already referred to works by Farouk, "Shaykh Ahmad: Muslims in the Kingdom of Ayutthaya," idem, "The Muslims of Thailand: A Survey," and Yusuf, "Islam and Democracy in Thailand: Reforming the Office of Chularajmontri/Shaykh al-Islam.”
[10] Farouk, "The Muslims of Thailand: A Survey," p. 1. For some recent figures see Regional Islamic Da‘wah Council of Southeast Asia and the Pacific (RISEAP) (ed.), Muslim Almanach Asia Pacific (Kuala Lumpur: Berita Publishing Sdn. Bhd, 1996), pp. 209-10 [entry "Thailand"].
[11] Farouk, "The Muslims of Thailand: A Survey," pp. 12-17; Regional Islamic Da‘wah Council of Southeast Asia and the Pacific (RISEAP) (ed.), Muslim Almanach Asia Pacific, p. 210; Werner Kraus, "Islam in Thailand. Notes on the History of Muslim Provinces, Thai Islamic Modernism and the Separatist Movement in the South," in: Journal of the Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, vol. 5, no. 2 (July 1984), p. 410. One of the best introductions is Andrew D. W. Forbes (ed.), The Muslims of Thailand, vol.2: "Politics of the Malay-Speaking South" (Gaya, Bihar/India: Centre for South East Asian Studies, 1989).
[12] Confer Andrew D. W. Forbes, "The 'Cin-Ho' (Yunnanese Chinese) Muslims of North Thailand," in: Journal of the Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, vol. 7, no. 1 (January 1986), pp. 173-86; Raymond Scupin, "The Socio-Economic Status of Muslims in Central and North Thailand," Journal of the Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, vol. 3, no. 2 (Winter 1981), pp. 162-89; idem, "Cham Muslims of Thailand: A Haven of Security in Mainland Southeast Asia," in: Journal of the Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, vol. 10, no. 2 (July 1989), pp. 486-91; Farouk, "The Muslims of Thailand: A Survey," pp. 5-12.
[13] Confer Lai Ah Eng, Meanings of Multiethnicity. A Case-Study of Ethnicity and Ethnic Relations in Singapore (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1995), passim.
[14] Kraus, "Islam in Thailand. Notes on the History of Muslim Provinces, Thai Islamic Modernism and the Separatist Movement in the South," pp. 413-14; Raymond Scupin, "Muslims in South Thailand: A Review Essay," in: Journal of the Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, vol. 9, no. 2 (July 1988), pp. 404-19; David K. Wyatt, Thailand. A Short History (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1999, reprint), p. 268; Forbes (ed.), The Muslims of Thailand, vol.2: "Politics of the Malay-Speaking South," passim.
[15] See Anthony Reid, "Understanding Melayu (Malay) as a Source of Diverse Modern Identities," in: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol 32, no. (October 2001), pp. 295-313; A. B. Shamsul, "A History of an Identity, an Identity of a History: The Idea and Practise of 'Malayness' in Malaysia Reconsidered," in: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. (October 2001), pp. 355-366, and Leonard Y. Andaya, "The Search for the 'Origins' of Melayu," in: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, vol. 32, no. (October 2001), pp. 315-330.
[16] Mahathir Mohamad, The Challenge (Petaling Jaya: Pelanduk Publications, 1993, 4th printing), pp. vii-viii. Confer idem, The Malay Dilemma (Singapore and Kuala Lumpur: Times Books International, 1995, reprint), passim.
[17] Qur’an (Surah Al-Ma’idah), 5:69. Moreover, it is interesting to note that the Prophet himself always discouraged his followers from ethnic prejudice. Among the numerous statements which are ascribed to him in this regard is the famous Hadith or ‘saying’ “There is no difference between an Arab and a non-Arab, but only with regard to the degree of fear of God”, which had been transmitted through a variety of Sunnite and Shi‘ite sources.
[18] Thongchai Winichakul, Siam Mapped. The History of the Geo-Body of a Nation (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994), p. 3.
[19] Ibid., p. 5.
[20] Confer Augustus Richard Norton, "Shi‘ism and Social Protest in Lebanon," in: Juan R. I. Cole and Nikki R. Keddie (eds.), Shi‘ism and Social Protest (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1986), pp. 156-78. See also Arong Suthasasna, "Occupational Distribution of Muslims in Thailand: Problems and Prospects," in: Journal of the Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, vol. 5, no. 1 (January 1984), pp. 234-42.
[21] Karim D. Crow, "Islamic Peaceful-Action: Nonviolent Approach to Justice and Peace in Islamic Societies," in: Capitol Journal on Culture and Society [Cagayan de Oro City, Philippines], vol. 12, no. 2 (2000-2001), p. 11. Refer also to idem, "Nurturing an Islamic Peace Discourse," in: American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences, vol. 17, no. 3 (Fall 2000), pp. 54-69.
[22] For some rather bizarre views on the AIDS drama see Hannelore Schönig, “Aids als das Tier (Dabba) der islamischen Eschatologie. Zur Argumentation einer türkischen Schrift,” in: Die Welt des Islams, vol. 30 (1990), pp. 211-18. Into the category of demonization falls Malik Badri, The Aids Crisis: An Islamic Socio-Political Perspective (Kuala Lumpur: ISTAC, 1997).
[23] Revealing in that contex is Daniel Pipes, The Hidden Hand. Middle East Fears of Conspiracy (Houndsmills and London: Macmillan Press Ltd, 1996).
[24] The still most comprehensive into the Bektashi tradition is John Kingsley Birge, The Bektashi Order of Dervishes (London: Luzac & Co., 1937). Also important are Irène Melikoff, "Le problème kızılbas," in: Turcica, vol. 6 (1975), pp. 49-67, eadem, "L'Islam hétérodoxe en Anatolie," in: Turcica, vol. 14 (1982), pp. 142-154, eadem, "Les origines central-asiatiques du soufisme anatolien," in: Turcica, vol. 20 (1988), pp. 7-18, eadem, Hadji Bektach, un mythe & et ses avatars. Genèse & évolution du soufisme populaire en Turquie (Leiden, Boston, and Coilogne: Brill, 1998), in particular pp. 20-21, 105-106, 163. The present author is currently on another study on the Bektashis.
[25] Bhikkhu Bodhi (ed.). The Vision of Dhamma. Buddhist Writings of Nyanaponika Thera (Kandy: Buddhist Publication Society, 1994, 2nd enlarged edition), pp. 292-93. Nevertheless, Nyanaponika Thera (ibid., p. 293) stated also that “Theism [...] is regarded as a kind of kamma-teaching in so far as it upholds the moral efficacy of actions. Hence a theist who leads a moral life may, like anyone else doing so, expect a favourable rebirth. […] If, however, fanaticism induces him to persecute those who do not share his beliefs, this will have grave consequences form his future destiny. For fanatical attitudes, intolerance, and violence against others create unwholesome kamma leading to moral degeneration and to an unhappy rebirth.”
[26] Bhikkhu Pesala, The Debate of King Milinda. An Abridgement of the ‘Milinda Pañha’ (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1991), p. 38 (chapter 8, entitled "The Solving of Dilemmans", part 7: "The Duration of Religion").
[27] M. Ismail Marcinkowski, "Challenges and Perspectives for the Perception and Teaching of Islamic History" (paper presented at the 16th Conference of the International Association of Historians of Asia (IAHA) in Kota Kinabalu, Malaysia (27-31 July 2000), organized by the Centre for the Promotion of Knowledge and Language Learning, Universiti Malaysia Sabah), in: Islamic Culture (in press).
[28] Idem, "Some Reflections on Predispositions in the Writing and Perception of the History and Civilization of the Muslims. Part One: The Case of Muslim Scholarship," in: Iqbal Review, vol. 41, no. 4 (October 2000, in press). See also idem, "Some Reflections on Predispositions in the Writing and Perception of the History and Civilization of the Muslims. Part Two: The Case of Non-Muslim Scholarship," in: Iqbal Review, vol. 42, no. 2 (April 2001, in press).
[29] Sir Muhammad Iqbal, The Reconstruction of Religious Thought in Islam (Lahore: Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, 1999 [reprint]), p. 140.
[30] Refer in this regard to M. Ismail Marcinkowski, "Some Reflections on Alleged Twelver Shi‘ite Attitudes Towards the Integrity of the Qur’an," in: The Muslim World, vol. 91, no. 1-2 (Spring 2001), pp. 137-53, and idem, "Rapprochement and Fealty during the Buyids and Early Saljuqs: The Life and Times of Muhammad ibn al-Hasan al-Tusi," in: Islamic Studies, vol. 40, no. 2 (Summer 2001), pp. 273-96.
[31] Juan Mascaró (trans.), The Dhammapada. The Path of Perfection (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1973), p. 35.
[32] Ibid.

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Biodata of the Author
Dr. M. Ismail Marcinkowski (e-mail: cwm_marcinkowski@yahoo.de), born in 1964 in Berlin (West), Germany, obtained his M.A. in Iranian Studies, Islamic Studies and Political Sciences from the Freie Universität Berlin in 1993. In 1998 he received his Ph.D. in Islamic Civilization from the International Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization (ISTAC), Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.
Dr. Marcinkowski has published extensively in international scholarly periodicals on various issues pertaining to the history of the Middle East and Southeast Europe (in particular on the Buyid, Safavid and Ottoman periods, respectively), as well as on Persian cultural influences in Southeast Asia, with emphasis on Thailand. The last mentioned subject constitutes presently his main research interest. Besides several articles of his, ISTAC has published his English translation of Walther Hinz's eminent German handbook of Muslim measures and weights was also published by ISTAC in 2002, and above all his award-winning doctoral dissertation Mirza Rafi‘a's Dastur al-Muluk: A Manual of Later Safavid Administration. Annotated English Translation, Commentary on the Offices and Services, and Facsimile of the Unique Persian Manuscript..
Dr. Marcinkowski, who is a member of several scholarly associations in the United States, Germany and Thailand, is presently Associate Professor of History at ISTAC.
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